Advocacy

Gerald Roche est anthropologue et chercheur principal à l’Université de La Trobe, et auparavant à l’Institut asiatique de l’Université de Melbourne. Ses recherches portent sur les politiques de mise en danger et de revitalisation des langues, avec un accent régional sur le Tibet. Il a récemment co-édité le Routledge Handbook of Language Revitalization. Son projet de recherche actuel porte sur la politique ethnique et la diversité linguistique dans les régions tibétaines de Chine. L’étude examine la situation sociolinguistique de la population de Rebgong, une région multiethnique et multilingue du plateau du nord-est du Tibet où les Monguor constituent une minorité linguistique.

Que pensez-vous de la situation des langues minorisées sur internet ?

Je pense que le grand problème pour les langues dans les espaces numériques est que les politiques du monde réel ont tendance à se reproduire dans l’espace digital: le même déséquilibre des ressources, les mêmes hiérarchies de respect et de valeur, les mêmes stéréotypes et préjugés.
Ainsi, par exemple, Internet est toujours un environnement dominé par le texte, et il y a cette idée que pour que les langues soient présentes sur Internet, elles doivent être réduites au texte — même s’il existe d’énormes possibilités d’avoir une présence en ligne dynamique. Lorsque des langues minorisées pénètrent l’espace numérique, elles sont souvent soumises aux mêmes normes de présentation que des langues bien mieux dotées en ressources. Ainsi, par exemple, lorsque le COVID-19 a commencé à se répandre en Chine, le gouvernement ne fournissait pas d’informations dans les langues locales. Les communautés ont elles-mêmes entrepris le travail de traduction et produit des vidéos expliquant des informations vitales sur la santé publique dans les langues locales. Mais certaines personnes dans ces communautés ont réagi en disant que les vidéos n’étaient « pas professionnelles ». Même lorsqu’ils obtenaient des informations vitales dans leur langue, les gens jugeaient toujours nécessaire de juger le contenu en fonction des normes établies par des langues bien mieux dotées en ressources.

Pourquoi la diversité linguistique est-elle importante sur Internet?

Mon approche est de me concentrer sur les gens qui parlent ces langues plutôt que sur les langues elles-mêmes. Je pense que la langue est une question de justice sociale. Donc, ce n’est pas seulement que la diversité linguistique est négligée sur Internet, il est important de dire que l’Internet doit être un espace ouvert où tout le monde peut participer de manière égale. Il devrait être un espace où les gens ne subissent pas de discrimination. Mon objectif n’est pas de promouvoir la diversité linguistique pour elle-même mais de réduire la discrimination et d’accroître l’égalité fondamentale pour que ceux qui parlent les langues minorisées soient également entendus.

Comment la langue affecte-t-elle notre expérience Web?

Deux choses sont importantes ici. Premièrement, la langue peut créer des «bulles de représentation». Par exemple, je faisais des recherches sur Internet en tibétain. Les questions qui sont discutées, la façon dont les choses sont représentées, etc., sont totalement différentes des questions liées au Tibet sur Internet en anglais. Et deuxièmement, les mouvements politiques ont tendance à voyager à travers la langue dans les hiérarchies de pouvoir. Ainsi, par exemple, des communautés linguistiques plus petites et plus démunies sont susceptibles de connaître des luttes politiques plus vastes, mais pas l’inverse. Et cette inégalité dans la popularité des mouvements politiques est produite par les mêmes mécanismes qui produisent les inégalités politiques. Cela signifie que les «puissances» de l’analyse et de la production de théories ont tendance à produire des idées qui ont une pertinence limitée pour des luttes plus petites et des communautés plus localisées.
Je pense qu’à certains égards, nous pouvons penser que la «construction d’Internet» reproduit les mêmes problèmes qui se sont posés lors de la construction du système mondial d’États-nations, liés entre eux par le capitalisme mondial. Il a des dimensions à la fois locales et mondiales — il établit des hiérarchies au sein des États et entre eux. Et dans les deux cas, il y a des gens qui sont plus ou moins opprimés par ce processus. Comme Fanon a parlé des damnés de la terre, je pense que nous pouvons aussi penser aux « damnés d’Internet» …

Que proposez-vous ?

Par exemple, en Australie, j’aimerais voir tous les jours des sites d’actualités nationales ayant du contenu dans les langues autochtones en première page. Je pense que ce serait un excellent moyen de rappeler aux locuteurs de langues dominantes, qui en Australie sont souvent monolingues, l’existence d’autres langues … rappelant ainsi aux gens qu’il y a une différence, et donc une hiérarchie et des inégalités importantes. Mais en général, je pense que nous devons affronter le privilège des langues dominantes. Nous pensons souvent que l’activisme numérique pour les langues opprimées concerne l’autonomisation et l’inclusion — plus de plateformes, plus d’outils, plus de voix, etc. Et c’est bien. Mais ils ne suffisent pas si nous ne confrontons pas la domination injuste des autres langues. Si nous ne faisons que donner du pouvoir, nous invitons essentiellement les personnes et les communautés dans un environnement hostile. Cet environnement doit changer.
Cet article a été rédigé dans le cadre de la bourse pour les médias décerné par Paradigm Hq, une organisation qui milite pour les droits numériques en Afrique.

Écrit par Sinatou Saka – Paradigm Initiative’s Digital Rights and Inclusion Media Fellow.

That Ethiopia is a great country cannot be gainsaid. History records that as colonialism was ravaging the rest of Africa, only Ethiopia and Liberia were never colonized. Having been locked out of East Africa by the British and the Germans, the Italians tried their luck in Ethiopia but they were defeated in the famous Battle of Adowa. Ethiopian Airlines is the only remaining Pride of Africa in the skies flying to more destinations abroad than any other African airline. Statistics indicate that the airline makes more profit than all the other African airlines combined. In the world of Athletics, the heroics of Kenenisa Bekele and many other great Ethiopian athletes have been recorded. I have never attended a conference abroad where there were no Ethiopian youth playing a key role in our African delegation. Notably, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali was awarded The Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea.  Ethiopia’s star has been rising.

Despite all this, in blatant disregard of basic human entitlements, the government of the Republic of Ethiopia has never missed an opportunity to violate the rights of its citizens. At the slightest provocation, the government appears to always have as its first option, internet shutdowns, and digital communications restrictions. This has been witnessed including during national examinations and most recently at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2019 alone, the government shut down the internet in Ethiopia a record eight times drawing condemnation from the global digital rights community. . Internet Shutdowns are never a good option in times of crisis or national emergencies. An internet shutdown means a blackout on access to information and to world affairs. A society that does not have access to information is a society that is walking in a fathomless abyss of darkness. Infact, to the detriment of the government, misinformation and rumours spread more among the citizens when they are unable to access information or to verify the information they have consumed. Disruption of the free flow of information, can amplify any existing tensions in society, as well as serving to conceal any violence and human rights violations perpetrated either by state or non-state actors. 

Article 29 of the Constitution of Ethiopia expressly provides for freedom of conscience and protects the right of thought, opinion and expression and media freedom “without any interference.” By interfering with its citizens’ digital rights through the incessant internet shutdowns, the government of Ethiopia contravenes this provision of its own supreme law. Ethiopia has also ratified the two cardinal human rights instruments- International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (“ICESCR”) which specifically state that every person has the right to the inviolability of communications made by phone, telecommunications, and electronic devices.

While unconfirmed, many reports have indicated that Ethiopia is one of many Africa’s authoritarian governments that hire international hacking companies to target human rights defenders in the country. This insatiable appetite for human rights violations has attracted condemnation including from Mr. David Kaye, the former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression who remarked during a visit to Ethiopia that the government’s continued breach of citizen’s digital rights was an affront to international human rights. However, as if directed to deaf ears, the violations continued on a worse scale in 2020.. There is an urgent need to empower human rights defenders and journalists with the skills to advocate and preserve digital rights in Ethiopia.

In an attempt to contain hate speech and mis-information, in March 2020, Ethiopia crafted a new law- the Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention and Suppression Proclamation, which law attempts to reverse the gains made by Ethiopia in promoting access to information and freedom of conscience. The law poses a threat to freedom of expression and access to information online amongst the citizens. The objectives of the Proclamation are to, among others, “protect freedom of expression while suppressing all forms of hatred and discrimination; promote tolerance, civil discourse, and dialogue, mutual respect and strengthen democratic governance; and to control and suppress the dissemination and proliferation of hate speech, disinformation, and other related false and misleading information.” This wording is vague and open to abuse by the government. 

There is a need to create a robust network of human rights defenders who advocate for uninterrupted internet access to all Ethiopians, help protect privacy rights, create awareness and build capacity in partnership with more established civil society organizations across the globe, to advocate and protect a principal medium of communication that people depend on in the world today- the internet.

The author of this article,  Ekai Nabenyo is Paradigm Initiative’s Digital Rights Program Officer for (East Africa) 

On Tuesday 23rd June 2020 Malawi went to the polls in a historic presidential re-run. The southern African nation shocked the continent and set precedence when the constitutional court overturned the May 2019 general election outcome and ordered a rerun due to apparent widespread vote-rigging.

On May 21st, 2019, Malawians went to cast their ballots, with the hope of a free and fair election devoid of all forms of violence and election malpractice. Almost ten candidates including the sitting president Peter Mutharika, who was standing for his second and final term, heavily contested the election.

While ballots were cast in a peaceful and uneventful manner, the aftermath of the elections left a mark for the people of Malawi. Three days into the voter counting, the opposition reported over 147 cases of ballot irregularities to the Malawi Electoral Commission and result sheets were found to have been tampered with, with some sections blotted out and altered with a correction fluid popularly known as Tippex.

News of the irregularities sparked protests in some opposition strongholds, however, the court lifted the injunction and the electoral commission confirmed President Mutharika’s narrow victory.

With 39% % of the votes in his favour, incumbent President Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progress Party was declared the winner, beating his close opponents Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party and Saulos Chilima of United Transformation Movement who won 35% and 20% of the votes respectively. As of 2019, Malawi utilised the winner takes all system. President Mutharika refused to ratify the electoral reforms passed by Parliament, which would allow the majority vote to win (50% plus 1 system).

Meanwhile, the opposition runner up Lazarus Chakwera maintained that his party would not accept the fraudulent election outcome and subsequently petitioned the Constitutional Court. In 2019, Malawi was marred with unprecedented protest action by citizens, ranging from small and spontaneous unrests to large and organised demonstrations. Between May 2019 and July 2019, several protesters were killed and millions of dollars’ worth of property damage. The demonstrators demanded that President Peter Mutharika concedes defeat and the Electoral Commissions head, Jane Ansah, resigns for allegedly presiding over a ‘rigged poll.’

In February 2020, the Constitutional Court of Malawi finally delivered the landmark verdict by declaring the results of the election null, adding that they had not met the standards of a free and fair election, and called for fresh elections within 150 days, a move that was welcomed by many Malawians. The electoral commission was also charged with failing to uphold its constitutional responsibilities. The verdict, which was later validated by the Supreme Court, illustrated the growing independence of the Judiciary in Malawi.

Although an election postponement was looming, Malawians were bent on voting on June 23, 2020, regardless of the COVID 19 virus and rumours of delayed ballot papers that threatened to have the election date shifted even further. Some CSO groups and opposition party representatives went as far as monitoring the plane in real-time that was transporting the ballot papers to Lilongwe. In addition, the group gathered at the airport to monitor the arrival of the ballot papers.

While Malawi may have fared well in setting democratic precedence, the country reported declining respect for digital rights in 2019. The May 2019 elections saw a series of warning statements issued by the Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA), aimed at internet users over the use of online and social media tools during the election period. A partial internet shutdown was also recorded shortly after the polls closed, the disruption lasted several hours on the evening of May 21st, 2019.

Such deciding moments provide a perfect cover for digital right violations to occur, perpetrated by those seeking to silence loud and dissenting voices online. Paradigm Initiative continues to monitor the situation in Malawi for any digital rights implications that may arise during the 2020 election rerun.