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Vacancy: Communications Assistant

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Paradigm Initiative, a leading social enterprise working on digital rights and inclusion in Africa, is looking for a creative mind to own the newly vacant role of Communications Assitant.

Job Title

Communications Assistant

Job Location

Lagos

Job Summary:

Creating exceptional digital and graphic design work for a variety of projects and activities such as website banners and displays, posters, newsletters, maps, charts, posters, corporate souvenirs, banner, signs and digital reports; and providing support to the Communications Officer on tasks including web and social media management.

Reporting to:

Communications Officer

Roles and Responsibilities:

  • Work on in-house creative briefs to support project teams
  • Deliver creative design solutions across multiple platforms from conception to completion
  • Design content for websites, newsletters, and media packs etc.
  • Create and edit content for Social Media
  • Maintain the organization’s website appearance by developing and enforcing contents’ display standards
  • Suggest the best visual standards for the overall brand image of the organization
  • Participate in project meetings and positive discussions relating to appropriate graphics methods/techniques to meet project requirements
  • Coordinate relationship with vendors; preparing specifications and obtaining estimates for final approval;
  • Ensure effective running of the organization’s website
  • Facilitate training to participants of our L.I.F.E training program and organize community outreaches

Qualifications and Competencies

  • Proven graphic designing experience
  • Proven video and audio editing skills
  • Possession of creative flair, versatility, conceptual/visual ability and originality
  • Demonstrable graphic design skills with a strong portfolio
  • Ability to interact with other team members, communicate and present ideas
  • Up to date with industry-leading software and technologies (In Design, Illustrator, Dreamweaver, Photoshop etc.)
  • HTML and CSS knowledge
  • Good knowledge of print media
  • Experience with WordPress and Web technologies
  • Highly proficient in all design aspects
  • Professionalism regarding time, costs and deadlines

 

Key Results Areas:

  • Timely completion of creative design solutions across multiple platforms from conception to completion.
  • Ensure high quality of design, photography, pre-press and printing output at all times.
  • Effective capacity building for beneficiaries on PI Programs/Projects

Application Process

Apply below via the Google Form.

Deadline

August 14, 2018

Resumption

Immediately

 

 

Campaign in Support of the Digital Rights and Freedom Bill

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Dear Friend,

It has been four months since Nigeria’s Digital Rights and Freedom Bill (HB490) was passed by the Senate, following passage by the House of Representatives. We are worried that since the passage in March, the National Assembly is yet to transmit the Bill to the President for assent. Many Bills passed after HB490 have been transmitted to the president for his assent.

We are embarking on a campaign to encourage the national assembly leadership to expedite actions on the transmission of the Bill. The campaign would be run on social media daily until the Bill is transmitted to the President.  The 2019 elections are months away and we would love to see the Bill signed into law before the election fever takes over.

We would really appreciate it if you could join the campaign and use the tweet draft below. The tweets can also be converted to Facebook and Instagram posts.

Pictures for Campaign: Here you can find infographics that explain the provision of the Bill. Please use and share at will.

Tweet draft

  • The Digital Rights and Freedom Bill #HB490 was passed by @NGRSenate on March 13, 2018. The Bill was earlier passed by the @HouseNGR in December 2017. 4 Months after passage, the Bill is yet to be transmitted to the @NGRPresident for assent.#DigitalRightsBill #HB490
  • The delay in transmitting the Bill to the Presidency is unnerving as it is unnecessary. The @nassnigeria, led by @bukolasaraki and @yakubdogara, must complete the amazing work it started by ensuring the Bill is sent to the President immediately. #DigitalRightsBill  #HB490
  • The Bill provides for the protection of human rights online, protect internet users from infringement of their fundamental freedoms and guarantee the application of human rights for digital platform users. #DigitalRightsBill #HB490 @nassnigeria @bukolasaraki @yakubdogara
  • The bill seeks to guarantee human rights within the context of emerging innovative technologies, security concerns, increasing citizen participation in governance and democratic processes.   #DigitalRightsBill #HB490 @nassnigeria @bukolasaraki @yakubdogara,
  • The bill is a potpourri of conventional rights aimed at making online spaces rights-inclusive and is an attempt at balancing the friction between security and human rights in the digital age.           #DigitalRightsBill #HB490 @nassnigeria @bukolasaraki and @yakubdogara,
  • The Digital Rights & Freedom bill strengthens users’ trust & has been lauded as a step in the right direction because of the value it brings to the digital economy and the rights of people of  Nigeria.  #DigitalRightsBill #HB490 @nassnigeria @bukolasaraki @yakubdogara
  • As the world looks up to @NGRPresident, @MBuhari to sign the #DigitalRightsBill, we call on Senate President @bukolasaraki & House Speaker @yakubdogara to ensure the immediate transmission of this most important Bill to President @MBuhari. #DigitalRightsBill #HB490

 

Kindly forward this email to others who you think might add value to the campaign.

 

Thank you for your anticipated support. The Bill got to where it is, thanks to the unwavering efforts of active citizens and civil society players like you. We believe the same efforts can see the Bill to the finishing line. Let’s do this together!

Call for Registration: Digital Rights and Inclusion Forum

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Paradigm Initiative is pleased to announce the commencement of the registration process for the 7th Digital Rights and Inclusion Forum (DRIF). Formerly known as the Internet Freedom Forum, the newly expanded Forum will hold from April 23 – 25 2019 in Lagos Nigeria.

 

Over the last 6 years, the Forum has gained a reputation as an important platform where conversations on Digital Policy in Africa are shaped, and policy directions forged. If you are interested in privacy, affordable Internet, increasing women’s access to digital tools, Internet shutdowns and similar themes, mark your calendar and join members of civil society, the technical community, government, academia and private sector for yet another agenda shaping event in 2019.

 

Registration for DRIF 2019 opens July 16, 2018 and ends January 31, 2019. 

 

Discussions at the Forum will revolve around Digital Rights and Digital Inclusion in Africa. For digital rights, sessions will explore topical issues around privacy and surveillance, Internet shutdowns, content takedowns, freedom of expression online activity amongst others.  

 

Discussions on Digital Inclusion will take a look at the costs of Internet data access in Africa, connecting the unconnected, bridging the gender gap in ICT access, the role of ICTs in democracies and communities.   

 

In 2018, the Forum welcomed over 200 delegates from 30 countries in Africa and beyond. In 2019, we plan to grow attendance by at least 50% as we welcome new voices to enrich the expanded framework of the Forum. The Forum will hold in Lagos, unarguably the business capital of Nigeria and arguably the tech capital of Africa. We believe this would make for a great atmosphere for lively conversations and an engaged local audience.

 

If you are an activist, technologist, journalist, government official, academic, legal or other professional interested in the future of the all things digital in Africa, please mark your calendar, book your flights and hotels and join us for what promises to be the event of the year on digital policy in Africa. We hope to welcome you in April to Lagos, Nigeria.

 

To give a feel of what to expect in DRIF 2019, we share some moments from the last edition here.

 

Google Impact Challenge: Application Workshop

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The application workshop is organised by Paradigm Initiative and Google.org to help prospective applicants better understand the Challenge and the application process . Only one person per organisation can attend the workshop. Deadline for registration for the workshop is Saturday, June 23, 2018.
Register for the workshop now:

Stop Uganda Social Media Tax

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The government of Uganda recently passed a law that will impose tax on social media which will be implemented on 1st July 2018.

This social media tax is targeted towards all people in the country regardless of economic status. Ugandans will have to pay 200 Ugandan shillings (0.05USD) a day to use popular platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. Mobile prepaid data in Uganda for 1 gigabyte already costs more than 15% of the average Uganda citizen’s income, which is much higher than the internationally recommended standards to ensure reasonably priced Internet access.

The government has claimed that this social media tax is to ‘raise revenue’ but the challengers have contended that this is in a bid to stifle the freedom of speech due to the growing criticism of the President Yoweri Museveni who has been in power for a little over 3 decades now. President Yoweri Museveni requested this new law in a letter saying that the government needed resources “to cope with the consequences of social media users, opinions, prejudices and insults”. In short a law to curtail the freedom of expression on the Internet.

According to Internet World Stats, about 19 million people in Uganda use the Internet which makes about 42.9% of the population. This new tax will widen the already huge digital divide in the region by limiting Internet Access especially to the poor citizens of Uganda who cannot afford to pay the tax.

The National IT survey 2018 Final Report showed that one in nine internet users in Uganda is on a social media networking platform, with the most popular being Facebook and WhatsApp.

Civil Society organizations in Uganda have termed this move by the government an attempt to further limit the freedom of expression in the country.  The country has in the past been marred with digital rights abuses such as two Internet shutdowns where social media sites and mobile money services were completely offline.

Paradigm initiative urges the government of Uganda to withdraw the taxes. There is a need to review that law as it is in breach of Uganda’s duties and obligations under national, regional and international standards and frameworks to defend and uphold freedom of expression. It is vital that Uganda invest in the sector to ensure that all its citizens have access to affordable, reliable and open Internet.

Why Automation or Artificial Intelligence Might SoonTake Your Job

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By Babatunde Okunoye

With a population of over 1.2 billion people, more than half of global population growth will happen in Africa (1.3 billion out of 2.2 billion projected for the world by 2050).  Sub-Saharan Africa is also home to 13% of the world’s working-age population; a number that is set to increase to more than 17% by 2030, the world’s second-largest after Asia.

With more than 60% of its population under the age of 25, Sub-Saharan Africa is already the world’s youngest region today – and, by 2030, will be home to more than one-quarter of the world’s total under-25 population. Over this period, the region is projected to expand the size of its workforce by more than the rest of the world combined, as its young population, the best-educated and globally connected the continent has ever had, enters the world of work.

The Challenge and Opportunity of Automation and Artificial Intelligence

There’s, however, a silent threat (or opportunity) in the corner, challenging the future jobs and economic security of some of the millions of Africa’s teeming working population: the emergence of Automation and Artificial Intelligence. Artificial intelligence (AI) refers to simulated intelligence in machines that have been programmed to mimic human action and rational thought, while automation is the use of control systems for the control of various equipment and processes. All over the world, scientific teams have made considerable progress with Artificial Intelligence, so that tasks which can be reduced to series of steps and can be taught to computers through algorithms are now being done with more efficiency and speed than humans can possibly match.

Think of a basic task such as identifying and sorting parcels in the warehouses of logistics companies. In the past, this task might have required a team of humans to accomplish over a considerable period of time given the size of warehouses. Today, however, in innovative firms, this task is now accomplished with intelligent drones with more efficiency than humans. Although this is just one example, the idea is the same: if there are tasks we understand intrinsically enough to teach machines, eventually machines will replace humans in these tasks. A few of these tasks will still require some human supervision – hence human workers will soon learn to have machine colleagues, but even this development will reduce the number of human workers on the payroll.

Although it has been put forward that the job losses occasioned by automation and AI will be offset by gains in productivity in other sectors, this does not change the fact that many people will lose jobs, and will need to find new jobs through reskilling or employment change.

Much as in more economically advanced world regions, concerns have recently been raised regarding the potential impact of automation on jobs on the continent. It has been estimated that, from a technological standpoint, 41% of all work activities in South Africa are susceptible to automation, as are 44% in Ethiopia, 46% in Nigeria, 48% in Mauritius, 52% in Kenya and 53% in Angola.

The Timid Government Response

The World Economic Forum’s analysis in its May 2017 “The Future of Jobs and Skills in Africa” report finds that Sub-Saharan Africa’s region’s capacity to adapt to the requirements of future jobs—measured by assessing the quality and extent of its education and staff training systems, post-basic education attainment and breadth of skills, leave little space for complacency.

And some countries are more vulnerable than others.

For instance, on average, Sub-Saharan Africa exhibits a high-skilled employment share of just 6%, a contrast to the global average of 24% as South Africa, Mauritius and Botswana lead the way in the local availability of high-skilled jobs while others, such as Ethiopia and Nigeria, maintain large proportions of workers in lower-skilled jobs – which are more susceptible to automation.

On average, Africa only currently only captures 55% of its full human capital potential, compared to a global average of 65%, ranging from 67 to 63% in Mauritius, Ghana, and South Africa to only 49 to 44% in Mali, Nigeria and Chad.

Consequently, it is reported that large numbers of African employers are citing inadequately skilled workforces as a major constraint to business expansion.  This situation can, however, be remedied by the better synergy between employers and education providers.

Governments across Africa are however not responding well to the challenge thrown by AI and automation, given the threat to jobs of thousands in sectors such as manufacturing and services. Africa budgets for education (e.g. Nigeria budgeted only 7.04% of its 2018 budget for education) are not keeping up with the rest of the world. UNESCO’s recommendation is for the allocation of 15-20% of national budgets to education, according to its “Education for All: Achievement and challenges” document. Even in the OECD, with much higher educational standards, emerging technologies are already a challenge, with only 10% of adults in these economies are deemed as competent as AI, according to an OECD sponsored study. For Africa, increasing the budget on education to UNESCO standards improves the quality of teachers, curriculum, and teaching tools, and might prepare the continent for the evolving world of work.

 

Sources:

  1. “The Future of Jobs and Skills in Africa: Preparing the Region for the Fourth Industrial Revolution”. World Economic Forum Executive Briefing, May 2017.
  2. Abdi Latif Dahir, “The future of work in Africa is uncertain despite technology’s promise or perhaps because of it”, Quartz Africa, January 26, 2018.
  3. Wikipedia
  4. Elliot SW. “AI and the Future of Skill Demand”, October 27, 2017. http://www.oecd.org/going-digital/ai-intelligent-machines-smart-policies/conference-agenda/ai-intelligent-machines-smart-policies-elliott.pdf

Press Freedom in a Democratic Society: The Gambia Supreme Court Decision

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By Adeboro Odunlami

About three months ago, precisely on the 14th of February 2018, the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States, pointedly delivered a judgment in favour of press freedom in the Gambia.

The case before the ECOWAS court had been triggered by the story of four Gambian journalists, Fatou Camara, Fataou Jaw Manneh, Alhagie Jobe, and Lamin Fatty, who had been arrested, detained and intimidated for their work as journalists in the Gambia; a ‘democratic’ country. They had so much feared further persecution “including the fear of physical and mental harm”  that they fled their country into exile.

The case (Suit No: ECW/CCJ/APP/ 36/15) was then filed in the name of the Federation of African Journalist (FAJ) and the four aforementioned journalists, against the  Republic of the Gambia and the ECOWAS court was called upon to determine the appropriateness of such laws upon which the Gambian government rely to repress press freedom, namely the Information and Communications Act and some provisions in the Gambia Criminal Code, and for the ECOWAS court to order The Gambia to repeal those laws and enact more favourable laws.

These laws did not only repress press freedom, the right to information and expression, right to liberty and security and the freedom from torture and inhuman treatment, it also imposed ridiculous penalties. For instance, one of the journalists had been slammed with the penalty of paying 250,000 GMD (approx. $5299.42USD) for criticizing the government and the president. Even more ridiculous was that the penalty was to be payable within 2 hours and if not, she’d have to spend 4 years in prison.

In giving its judgment, the ECOWAS court declared that the Gambian government had violated the rights of the Defendant and directed her to immediately repeal and/or amend the relevant laws in line with its obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, the ECOWAS revised treaty and other international instruments. This laudable judgement has been described as a landmark one which restored hope to press freedom in the Gambia, providing justice and respect for the rights of the Gambian people, especially the journalist.

However, on the 9th of May 2018, the Supreme Court of Gambia declared that although criminal defamation and false publication are unconstitutional, sedition is only partially unconstitutional. That is, that Sedition still validly exists as an offence only when said speech is made against the President. Why this was declared by the Supreme Court of a nation that subscribes to democracy is beyond comprehension.

In addition to this declaration being overtly against the order made by the ECOWAS court in FAJ v. The Gambia, it also negates other components of the principle of democracy. Democracy shows no favouritism for a single elected representative without any democratically sound reason. Democracy favours the good of the people over the interests of the government; whether as a whole or for an individual politician. The rule of law, a component of democracy, requires that the law is to govern above all persons and no one is to be above the law. The question therefore is: If it isn’t constitutional for sedition to exist as a crime against the government, why then should it be constitutional for it to exist against the President?

Above all of these, a major reason why this ruling by the Supreme Court of Gambia is anti-democratic is that by going against the express Order of a superior court, it is has placed itself in opposition to the democratic mechanism of checks and balances.

By virtue of Article 5(3) of the ECOWAS Revised Treaty, each Member State undertakes to honour its obligations under the treaty. Article 15(4) more directly states that the judgments of the ECOWAS court are binding on the Member States.

The Gambia (which includes the judiciary) cannot claim that it has absolute powers to make decisions as it deems fit over the Gambia people as it has ceded some of those powers to the ECOWAS court and must comply when such ceded powers are exercised. The ECOWAS Court addressing this issue in Musa Saidykhan vs. The Republic of The Gambia said:

“ECOWAS is a supra national authority created by the Member States wherein they expressly ceded some of their sovereign powers to ECOWAS to act in their common interest. Therefore, in respect of those areas where the Member States have ceded part of their sovereign powers to ECOWAS, the rules made by ECOWAS supersede rules made by individual Member States if they are inconsistent …Therefore, it is untenable for a Member State of ECOWAS to claim that a matter is essentially within its domestic jurisdiction when it had expressly or by necessary implication granted ECOWAS powers to act solely or concurrently with national jurisdiction in respect of that matter”

The Republic of Gambia is therefore called upon to do the right thing; to entirely comply with the order by the ECOWAS court by ruling Sedition as fully unconstitutional – both regarding the government and the President.

Adeboro Odunlami works with Paradigm Initiative as Digital Rights Program Assistant. 

Issues in AU Declaration on Internet Governance

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By Tope Ogundipe

It is no longer news that the AU Summit held in Kigali in January 2018 has officially adopted the African Union Declaration on Internet Governance. It is not even exactly newsworthy either that the declaration makes some remarkable commitments regarding global concerns for cybersecurity, human rights and freedom of expression. It is expected. What is ironic is this; Heads of State and Government of the African Union… Reaffirming our commitment to the need for stability, for the safety of citizens and enterprises, confidentiality of online data security, through the AU Convention on Cybersecurity and Personal Data Protection, and taking into account the scalability of Africa’s Internet infrastructure…”

How does it happen that heads of state are able to reaffirm a convention that they have not even ratified? The African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection aims to oblige member states to establish legal frameworks to strengthen the protection of rights related to data and sanction violations of the right to privacy.  It was adopted in June 2014 but it is yet to come into force 4 years on because it has not been ratified by even a single member state. Article 36 of the Convention provides that the Convention will come into force 30 days following the deposit of the 15th instrument of ratification to the Chair of the African Union Commission. Only 8 states have signed the treaty; Benin, Chad, Djibouti, Guinea Bissau, Mauritania, Sierra Leone, Sao Tome and Principe and Zambia. But this does not mean several more are not developing laws and standards around electronic transactions, data protection, and cybersecurity. A worrisome trend in the development and adoption of such legislation, however, has been the potential, maybe even the intent in other cases to violate human rights, especially related to freedom of expression, right to privacy and access to information.

Beginning with the Arab spring, the power of the internet to mobilize social activism, especially using the social media, has been demonstrated time and again in Africa. Governments have been responding since then with extreme measures to control the internet. One way this is being achieved is through repressive laws. A Tanzanian data law deals a heavy blow on freedom of expression and access to information, containing a stiff penalty for anyone who publishes data or statistics outside publications by the Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics. Egypt’s 2015 Counter-Terrorism law (Article 29) allows sentencing of up to 10 years in prison for creating a social media account that promotes ‘terrorist’ activities or ‘harms national interests.’ Again, under its Telecommunication Regulation law, Internet Service Providers must give full access to all the equipment and software needed for the Armed Forces and national security agencies to exercise their power.

In Nigeria, the Draft Lawful Interception of Communications Regulation by the telecommunications regulator, Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), provides the authorities unconstitutional access to invade citizens’ privacy. Sections 24 of Cybercrimes Act 2015 provides for state regulation and management of the social media and seeks to erode the principles of freedom of expression online in Nigeria. In addition to these, two dangerous bills, both tagged ‘The Hates Speech Bill’ with serious implications for freedom of expression, one of them carrying a death penalty for offenders are currently being considered by the Nigerian parliament.   Act n° 013-2002 of 16 October 2002 has been the primary legal instrument against digital rights in Congo DRC, conferring on government powers to take over control of telecommunications facilities in the interest of national security or public defence. These are only a few examples, but they offer an insight all the same for the emerging patterns of digital rights violations sweeping through the continent such as internet shutdowns, state-sponsored surveillance, and arrest and detention of journalists, bloggers, and online activists and users.

The AU declaration on internet governance or anything else is not legally binding. It does not compel governments to take actions. All the same, it is an aspirational human rights instrument that explicitly encourages respect for freedoms and rights on the internet. By recalling the commitment of Member States to promote and protect fundamental freedoms especially the right to freedom of expression and access to information (on and offline), the declaration offers a hearty hope as a recognized standard on digital rights for the African people.

The declaration offers a chance for inspiring stakeholders, particularly African heads of states and governments to embrace the principles it contains in the exercise of their responsibilities in policy-making. The Declaration can also be used as an instrument to discuss, interpret and resolve matters relating to digital rights. The Declaration recalls the commitment of Member States to uphold human and peoples’ rights enunciated in instruments of the African Union and of the United Nations, recognizing that rights are rights and must be upheld and protected, online and offline. The declaration recognizes the concerns raised by allegations of mass surveillance and violations of the right to privacy in the digital environment and reaffirms the commitments made in UN General Assembly resolutions to respect and protect the right to privacy, including in the context of digital communication.

Of numerous human rights instruments which exists, this AU declaration is one of those which clearly lays out the digital rights of Africans. The Declaration can be useful for negotiation and mutual understanding about the online rights and freedoms of the African people. Whether or not it would fulfil this noble mission as a standard to be pursued on the continent in a spirit of partnership with all stakeholders, or it would be yet another missed opportunity for the advancement of human rights on the continent is yet to be seen.

 

Ogundipe, a digital rights advocate, is Paradigm Initiative’s Director of Programs. 

 

Call for Proposals: Mapping and Making Available Evidence-Based Research for Internet Policies in Africa

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A coalition of prominent internet rights policy and civil society advocates are pleased to issue this open call for proposals for a consultancy on “Mapping and Making Available Evidence-Based Research for Internet Policies in Africa.

This international Call for Proposals invites submissions from researchers, academics, scholars, and professionals. Successful proposals will help involved organizations to overcome the limited availability and accessibility of evidence-based research regarding internet policies in Africa to nurture public debate and due consideration by policy makers within the region.

The details of this Call for Proposals, including application instructions and timeline, can be downloaded here.

Applications must be submitted by March 25, 2018. Chosen proposal will be announced within April 2018. Requests for clarification and submissions, please send to Alberto Cerda at a.cerda@fordfoundation.org

This coalition includes Article 19 Eastern Africa, BudgIT, the Centre for Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law at Strathmore University (CIPIT), Co-Creation Hub, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), iHub, the Kenya ICT Action Network (KICTANet), and Paradigm Initiative, with the support from the Ford Foundation´s Internet Freedom Program.

 

 

Opérateurs de téléphonie en Afrique francophone et connexion Internet

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Par Rigobert Kenmogne

L’Afrique francophone compte environ 53 opérateurs de téléphonie mobile.  La technologie la plus utilisée est celle du Global system for Mobile Communication (GSM)[1]. Ce système est celui appelé 2G, moins performant pour une communication Internet. Les technologies EDGE[2] et Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA)[3], 3G+ et 4G+ sont également utilisées par certains pays, mais avec peu d’effets positifs sur les utilisateurs. Le choix d’une technologie est tributaire de la qualité d’internet offert par ce dernier. L’opérateur présent dans plus de pays en Afrique francophone est ORANGE[4]. Cet opérateur est présent dans 15 pays francophones avec un nombre important d’abonnés. Cet opérateur est suivi par MTN et Airtel, présents dans sept pays africains chacun. L’opérateur Moov vient quatrième position avec une présence dans cinq pays.

De manière générale, les opérateurs par pays varient entre un et cinq opérateurs concurrents.

Dans l’analyse du profil des droits numériques en Afrique francophone, il ressort que les marchés de téléphonie mobile où se trouvent Orange, Mtn et Airtel sont très concurrentiels. Ces pays enregistrement régulièrement de fortes perturbations connexion Internet fournies par ces opérateurs. Ces opérateurs se neutralisent-ils entre-deux ou alors sont -ils à la solde des gouvernements pour contribuer aux perturbations étant donné que plusieurs africains sont de nos connectés grâce à leurs smartphones ?

La recherche des solutions dans le respect des droits numériques pourrait associer à l’avenir les compagnies comme ORANGE, MTN, AIRTEL MOOV et AZUR considérés comme les cinq premiers ayant une forte présente en Afrique francophone et au regard du nombre d’abonnés connectés dans plusieurs pays africains. Les pays tels que le Cameroun, le Tchad, la RDC où sont présents Mtn et Orange ont reçu plusieurs perturbations et fermetures d’internet qui restent encore d’actualité.

De ce qui précède, les opérateurs de téléphonie mobile, dans l’optique d’améliorer la connexion mobile doivent revoir en urgence leurs technologies de communication pour fournir un service internet de qualité aux abonnés. Egalement, il est pertinent de savoir pourquoi les pays francophones ayant une connexion Mtn et Orange enregistrent régulièrement des perturbations.

Quelle peut donc être la meilleure technologie moderne pour l’Afrique francophone et l’Afrique en général en matière de téléphonie mobile devant fournir un Internet de qualité ? Les ingénieurs doivent également s’y pencher sur cette préoccupation.

 

Rapport opérateurs/Pays/Technologies

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